Masculinities

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=Introduction= Gender, along with class and race, remains one of the organizing principles of social life. Gender is used to determine how power and resources are to be distributed in any given society it also is a major theme in which societies create meaning in their lives (Kimmel & Messner, 2013). Masculinity is a type of gender performance and there are many ways to perform masculinity across cultures. Therefore, it is typically more appropriate to discuss masculinity as masculinities. There have been many models developed to better understand masculinities some of the most popular being biological, anthropological, and sociological. Biological models use innate differences to explain differences between males and females.Sociological models stress socialization of boys and girls and the emphasis that is placed on certain attitudes, attributes, and behaviors that are appropriate for males and females. Finally, anthropological models have examined masculinity cross-culturally, stressing the variations in behaviors and attitudes associated with being a man (Kimmel & Messner, 2013). All of these models highlight the importance culture plays in defining what is male. Men are not born they are created through a cultural context and how well one can participate in social life as a man.

One may be inclined to believe that masculine performance across cultures would be similar. In some cases this true, while in other cases this very untrue. For instance, males in the United States tend to practice hegemonic masculinity, though it is not the only type of masculinity practiced. In fact, masculinity is performed by men and women of varying sexual and gender identities, hence there is a lot of variance in the way masculinity can be performed. Masculinity is relational and a complex process. The definition of masculinity is directly related to the definition of femininity. The definition of one depends in part on the understanding of the definition of the other. Each culture will define masculinity differently therefore there can not be a universal male or masculinity. Kimmel and Messner (2013) explain that the male identity is "developed through a complex process of interaction with culture in which they learn the gender scripts appropriate to their culture and attempt to modify those scripts in a way that is palatable". The experiences of men are not uniform or universal generalization. Masculinity varies from culture to culture and within any one culture over time. Masculinity is not constant over the curse of one man's life but will change as he grows and matures. This space will describe and juxtapose masculine performances from Hawaii, Albania, Netherlands, Russia and the Caribbean to exemplify the variations in masculine performance. This space will also discuss masculinity and aging in the United States.

Recommendations for Educators, Counselor, and Researchers
Please note that this space aims to explicate a breadth of masculinity theory with a particular intention. As educators, counselors, and/or researchers; as humans, we provide the best support when we have a thorough understanding of the experience of a particular population. Hence, it is important to understand the foundations of masculinity as a theory, first and foremost: to hold those fundamentals in our professional toolboxes, and to be able to utilize them as needed. Every individual is different, let it be known. The following text aims to describe the masculine experiential performance of gender in these cultural populations, in hope of offering a grander perspective regarding masculinity and femininity. To interpret the cultural information provided one might first come to subscribe to the contention that gender is different than biological sex. Further, that there are influences outside of our immediate consciousness that influence the way we perform our gender. Sometimes a person's spirituality may call to them (Hawaiian), sometimes will to survive and protection is key (Caribbean), and other times it could be a matter of preserving lineage or gaining privilege (Albanian). Perhaps it is not as relevant that we completely understand why each cultural gender performance exists as it does, as it is to understand that there are differentiations in gendered performance.

Masculinity Overview
We will begin by talking about the Four Boxes of Gender and Sexuality as masculinity does not exist without it's opposite, femininity. The gender binary system in the United States tends to categorize men and women into the following boxes:

Crane's Four Boxes of Gender and Sexuality
Puts husbands career before her own. Meets his needs. Beautiful, but not necessary sexy. Provides children, preferably son’s for husband. Should be virgin when married. A feminine woman. Doesn’t know much about sex. This is the hetero-normative "ideal woman" type.
 * 1. Good Girl**

Simply does not need a man. Potentially to the point of being a lesbian. Knows “too much” about sex. Maybe poor. Either doesn’t care about her appearance, or is masculine in her appearance. There is social pressure to avoid being in this box.
 * 2. Bad Girl**

Protector of family: doesn’t show emotions, other than anger. This type can be found being strong, as the bread winner, driving the car, and controling the television. The hetero-normative "ideal man" type.
 * 3. Tough Guy**

May be perceived as gay even if not. Beat up a lot, not as strong, has emotions, maybe doesn’t care if wife doesn’t take his name. Social pressure to avoid being in this box.
 * 4. Sweet Guy**

Hegemonic Masculinities
Anything that is considered female or feminine is then also considered not masculine. Hegemonic masculinity operates through the formation of examples or symbols of masculinity that have cultural authority. Most men cannot fully live up to this ideal set of traits without loosing some part of their authentic self. This paradigm is explained in Crane's Four Boxes. The dichotomy that men are either "real men" or the "nice guy" present two labels equipped with its own confining attributes, neither label allowing full range for a man to represent his authentic self (Crane & Crane-Seeber, 2003) Like Crane’s depiction of the Tough Guy Box, Kivel’s Act-Like-A-Man Box explains the expectations for men. Inside the box are characteristics such as being tough, aggressive, competitive, in control, successful, angry, responsible, responsible, heterosexual, and affluent. He is also void of feelings, able to take charge, does not make mistakes, and never asks for help. According to Kivel, “Many men are under the illusion that being in the box is like being in an exclusive club" (2013). Kivel said, the rules to staying in the box are no girls allowed and all men are equal. For working and middle class white men and/or men of color who aspire to be accepted, fitting in the box creates a false feeling of solidarity with men in power, and misleads many of them into believing that they have more in common with CEO's, political/religious/military leaders than they will ever have with women (2013). In other words, the Act-Like-A-Man Box establishes false comfort, and rather fosters a competitive system. The methods used to toughen a little boy up into becoming a man might be considered abuse to some. Still, the perpetuation of hegemonic masculinity is mobilized by people of all genders, in a multitude of ways.

Queer Masculi‍‍nities‍‍
Ways of being masculine that disrupt, or have the potential to disrupt, traditional images of hegemonic masculine. Men who perform in a way that helps to “queer” the hegemonic norms. As Heasley explains there are five, non-linear and non-hierarchical, categories of such men:

This is a straight man who is likely to be read as a gay man. He is sensitive and comfortable carrying his body in a softer manner than is expected of men.
 * 1. Straight Sissy Boy**

These men publicly take action and assume risk of being supportive to their gay male counter parts. Their actions are disruptive to heterosexuality and masculinity.
 * 2. Social Justice Straight-Queers**

“They take on queer characteristics and kiss, dance, dress, and move the body queerly, but only within the context (setting) of the queer worlds where it is safe, i.e., the gay bar, having fun with the straight of gay roommate, participation in gay-dominant environments such as parties or gay-identified progressions”. This is an expression of their being rather than a true desire to be "queer".
 * 3. Elective Straight-Queers**

Unlike the elective straight-queer, who is not as likely to be interested in learning about queerness as an identity, the committed straight-queer may is actively pursuing information and taking action to explore queerness in his masculine expression.
 * 4. Committed Straight-Queers**

These are men who likely do not agree or feel comfortable with hegemonic masculinity, but are able to properly perform it nonetheless. They therefore, benefit from it, but rarely speak out against it.
 * 5. Males Living in the Shadow of Masculinity**

Female Masculinities
Despite the easy connection between men and masculinity and women and femininity, there is a significant overlap.

Masculinity tends to be positioned as “owned” by those with biologically male bodies. Halberstam focuses on queer depictions of female masculinity through the lens of the "lesbian butch" identity and/or trans-identities, in a way that forces a reconsideration of how masculinity is conceptualized. Halberstam writes, “Sometimes female masculinity coincides with the excess of male supremacy, and sometimes it codifies a unique form of social rebellion; often female masculinity is the sign of sexual alterity, but occasionally it makes heterosexual variation; sometimes female masculinity marks the place of pathology, and every now and then it represents the healthful alternative to what are considered the histrionics of conventional femininities.”

"Masculinties in Theory" (Reeser)
Reeser presents masculinities as being a socially constructed phenomena, and breaks it into three aspects. The chart below briefly describes Reeser's contentions, but please find a brief description of the less self-evident categories below the chart:

//Myths// “Have the effect of retroactively reading a given idea of masculinity back onto all masculinity in order to make it appear universal when in fact it is ‍‍‍‍fabricated” ‍‍‍‍Religious stories, the idea that men have always been in power.
 * Ideology**

//Practices// Practices are not totally separate from discourse, but have to do with the performances of various actions on a regular basis. Such as playing sports like football (but not gymnastics), playing games with guns (not dolls), and even dressing in suits (not dresses).

Despite the efforts to make masculinity appear stable, R‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍eeser ‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍‍positions it as an unstable, fluid entity that changes with the time.
 * A Sign**

Masculinity is continuously being established and re-established. It is not established once and then forgotten. It can always be taken away, and thus needs to be performed all the time. Masculinity is not a fixed point because one man can be more or less masculine than other. Definitions of masculinity change depending on time and cultural expectation.
 * A Continuous Movement**

The above theories were provided to ensure a multitude of perspectives as the reader considers the following cultures. The information concluded with Reeser's work, as Reeser provides a comprehensive theoretical perspective

=Aging and Aged Masculinities in the United States=

Aging Demographics in the United States
In the United States, older adults (individuals aged 65 and over) are a subculture/non-dominant culture even though the older population is becoming the largest population in the United States. The fastest growing population in the United States is people aged 85 and over; by 2024 the percentage of adults aged 85 and over will have doubled.Population Pyramid of United States

Stereotypes of Aging and Aged Adults in the United States
Though quickly becoming one of the largest populations in the United States aging and aged adults hold very little power in United States society. There are many "crippling" stereotypes attached with aging and being aged. Some of the stereotypes associated with aging include being weak, frail, and compliant. Other stereotypes include becoming increasingly more dependent, being retired (also associated with losing purpose), and being asexual.



The Connection Between Aging and Masculinity in the United States
As described above hegemonic masculinity in the United States consists of being able-bodied, independent, and competitive. Other characteristics of hegemonic masculinity in the United States include being the breadwinner of a family, heterosexual, hyper-sexual, and middle-aged. Combining what is thought of as hegemonic masculinity with the information about the United States' aging society, the result is a large portion of the United States population experiences a clash of identity. There is an unfinished script for men in the United States. It's almost as if society tells men that once they reach a certain age they are no longer considered masculine.

This idea of clashing identities is very encouraged by advertisements in the media. First, there are not many advertisements that have men over the age of 65 in them. Second, the advertisements that do use men 65 and over show men who are happy, able-bodied, in heterosexual relationships, and in need of medical care of some sort. This can be hard for aging and aged men to see because it puts pressure of aging and aged men to be happy, when many are depressed due to loss and decline. Also many men who are in long-term care facilities begin to feel a loss of masculinity because most caregivers are women. All of the sudden these men in long-term care facilities have no control over whether or not they allow/want a woman to see their body. Not only that, but usually when these women caregivers are seeing the men's bodies it is to change or toilet them which can feel degrading.



There is a call for society to finish the script for aging and aged men in the United States. To have that script include positive views of decline, a variety of sexuality identities, positive views of interdependence, and a variety of leisure activities that do not just cater to able-bodied individuals.

=Masculinity in Russia= //by Courtney Meyer//

Masculinity in Russia has been largely influenced by the Communist Party. The Communist Party is credited with demasculinizing all Russian men so much so that the women and children of Russia began to rely on the state as the reliable father. This led Russian men to many unhealthy behaviors such as alcoholism.

=Hawaiian Mahu=

LGBT Demographics in Hawaii
According to 2010 census, there were more than 3,200 same-sex couples in Hawaii. That is to say, there are approximately 7 couples per 1,000 household. Roughly, that means that 54,000 LGBT individuals reside in Hawaii, according to Gates and Newport (2013) reported that Hawaii has the second highest percentage of LGBT (5.1%) identifiers, which is second only to Washington DC at 10% (2013). The afore-mentioned identifiers represent a broad cross-section of people from around the world as Hawaii's location is a perfect crossroad through the Pacific that welcomes many different cultures, peoples, and norms around sex and gender (Stotzer, 2014).
 * [[image:http://www.ssqq.com/travel/images/hawaii%20map%20relative%20to%20pacific%20ocean.jpg align="right"]] ||

Mahu Masculinity
Often called Mahuwahine, Hawaiians have historically recognized and respected this sect of transgender individuals, as a “third gender”; as persons who are simultaneously male and female. Historically, these were biological males who dressed, acted, and filled social roles more akin to traditional female roles (Stotzer, 2014). stated that the Mahu fulfilled traditionally feminine domestic and cultural responsibilities. The Mahu represented a spiritual element of Hawaiian culture, and were often found in the school system as teachers, or in the home as care takers (Stotzer, 2014). They were highly involved with the tradition and performance of hula dancing and music (Kame’eleihiwa, 2011). This work reinforced their status as a third gender. As Kame’eleihiwa (2011) distinguished, being Mahu is different than just being “men who dress as women”. According to Kalei (2009) the Mahu were considered spiritual beings, capable of holding both masculine and feminine qualities. As Kuma Hina describes in her PBS documentary, "A Place in the Middle", being Mahu was long considered a “natural” and “spiritual” phenomena. Since it is a spiritual calling to be Mahu, it is also understood that the calling may only need to be fulfilled for a brief period in one's life, and that the Mahu identifier may return to more normative presentations of masculinity. There is a fluidity permitted for the Mahu in their gender expression that is not often seen (2015). Being Mahu could be considered a variance in male role, or a “substitute female”. For example, fellatio performed by a Mahu would likely not be considered a homosexual act, as the gender identity is not distinctly male or female.

Historical and Current Perspectives on Mahu
According to Stotzer, historical Hawaiian culture was inclusive of variance in orientation and sexual identification. Ancient documents illustrate men and women, as well as gods and goddesses, having aikane, or same-sex lovers. Although most often referred to as men’s male companions, the term aikane was also used for women’s female companions, and may have been a term used to mark bisexuality. The word Mahu did not often appear in traditional song and chant, but early illustrations are believed to be indicating the Mahu existence in pictures of persons with both male and female genitalia (2014). Today, the term Mahu has sometimes been used to mean “gay” in the Western sense of the word, while the word Mahūwahine has come to specify transgender women (Kame’eleihiwa, 2011). Although there is a rich history where the Mahu were respected for their spiritual and cultural roles, today they are often considered men who “want to act as women". Morris Kapa‘ihiahilina said that as a result of Christian imperialism, the Hawaiian culture was subjugated and oppressed. The non-Western cultural practices regarding sexuality and gender identity have been subverted and concealed, often purposefully (2006). Although, the Mahu have experienced subjugation and oppression, there is a fighting spirit in the peoples that aim to reclaim their recognition and respect.

Reclaiming Respect for the Mahu People
The Mahu reclamation is alive and well, especially due to warriors like Kumu Hina.

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=Albania Burrnesha=

Location of Albania
Albania is located about sixty miles cross the Adriatic Sea from Italy, where it borders Montenegro and Kosovo to the north, Macedonia to the east and Greece to the south. Here, they speak an Indo-European language with has a mix of Greek and Latin.



The Law of Kanu, Blood Feuds and Gender Roles
Starting in the 15th Century, the Law of Kanun (Canon) of Leke Dukagjini is a set of customary laws that were primarily passed from generation to generation through oral tradition, but since the 20th Century, has been printed with revisions (Littlewood, 2002, p. 43). This manuscript contains aspects around concepts of Honor, Hospitality, Right Conduct and very significantly, Kin Loyalty. One of the laws speaks about the blood feuds, which are ongoing battles between sets of families (Littlewood, 2002, p. 43). “Law of blood” states that individual goes on ambush, shoots a male member (no women or children), turns person on their back, and shoots in head, goes back to own family and sends a messenger to the opposing family starting what they did and claiming a truce. The person attends the funeral, pays for rituals and awaits death after truce (Littlewood, 2002, p. 44). This Albanian tradition focuses on interactions amongst the men in families, but also depletes the male heirs in families as well that are responsible for passing the Albanian tradition from family to family. With the roles between men and women in Albania within families having a stark difference in what their roles are in society, but also how they are expected to perform in their gender roles without complaint (especially women). Even though currently there are no more arranged marriages in Albania, women were still seen as only childbearing property of their husbands with very little freedom. According to the Law of Kanun, "A woman is known as a sack made to endure as long as she lives in her husband's house." (Peters, 2015). The roles for men were more revered within the society, and boys were seen as a blessing to family structure.



The Third Sex: Sworn Virgins
If there is not enough men in order for tradition to get passed down from one family to another, what would be a solution to filling in the gaps? Burrneshas (literal translation to mean "he-she") are women within the family who pledged to live their lives as men for the rest of their lives (also known as Sworn Virgins) (Peters, 2015). There were two ways that girls could become Sworn Virgins: first, the adolescent girl can decide to avoid marriage by swearing virginity in front of 12 elders in the church or mosque, the second, pertaining to family dynamics, if there are no sons within the family, a daughter can take their place (Littlewood, 2002). This vow of virginity and chastity allowed daughters within the family to escape the dominating patriarchal system that has structured the Albanian families for centuries. Even though the daughters had to dress in masculine clothing and learn male gender social norms (short hair, trousers, wristwatches, socializing with men in order to learn gestures and body language), they also carried out the male responsibilities within the Albanian society (such as sitting in elders' discussions) (Littlewood, 2002). These Sworn Virgins were required to carry a male identity (though pronouns can be fluid) even to death, by being buried in mens' clothing (Littlewood, 2002). If the Sworn Virgins are caught having sex, they were to be burned alive (Peters, 2015).



Gender Hierarchy and Masculinity
As seen within the Albanian Culture, men and women receive different amounts of respect as far as their gender roles within their society. Hierarchy within a system such as this is defined by "the ways in which gendered activities and attributes are differentially valued and related to the distribution of resources, prestige, and power in a society" (Nanda & Warms, 2011, p. 226). Though the men within this society are benefitting from the freedoms inside and outside of the household, they are still subjected to the tradition that is laid out in the Kanun. For the Sworn Virgins, these decisions around taking a male identity were made just based on obtaining this freedom, not anything dealing with sexual orientation. The Sworn Virgins are trying to balance finding freedom in themselves and saving their families through their sacrifice. They are able to have the privileges of men and hold their hierarchy, but also giving up their sexual freedom to prevent punishment and breaking their vow. Yet, as Reeser (2010) states in his work around masculinity, "One paradox of masculinity as ideological is that it often gives the illusion of freedom, the illusion that masculinity itself can be defined as freedom, whereas in fact it is this very imagined freedom that insures subjugation and hides its own arbitrary functioning" (p. 25).

=African Caribbean Men= Caribbean families are multi-cultural and diverse. The primary ethnic groups that make up the Caribbean culture include people with African, Indian, and Chinese backgrounds. Additional backgrounds represented in Caribbean culture include Middle Eastern and European backgrounds. Approximately 80-90% of people making up the population in Caribbean islands are descendants of slaves forcibly brought to the region's islands to work on sugar plantations (Blank, 2013).

Early Family Structures
"African beliefs and customs, combined with European mores, and family forms that existed under slavery, have all contributed to what it means to be a man in the Caribbean today." (Blank, 2013, p.1)

To provide historical context regarding family structures in the early Caribbean region, it is important to note that slave owners married but frequently used female slaves as sexual concubines. If a slave became pregnant by the master, the master would free his child. Other children born to slave women were the property of the owner. Although black families existed, they were controlled by the slave owners. Slaves were not allowed to have exclusive sexual relationships; they were forced to have multiple children with different partners to increase the economic wealth of the slave owner. For children born into slavery, a slave mother was the only parent recognized unless the father was the slave's owner. The only paternity acknowledged or deemed important was the slave master (Blank, 2013).

Implications: Some scholars believe that enslaved men's lack of power over their families has affected male family roles in the Caribbean region today.

African Caribbean Male Gender Roles
In the modern day Caribbean culture, men are expected to fulfill the following gender role related responsibilities: The men may have distant relationships with daughters and may not be focused on the day-to-day interactions with their children. This may be especially true for men with young infants. Many feel that women are better with the babies. Caribbean boys chores are assigned chore and household activities that are outside of the house.
 * be the economic provider
 * be the protector of the family
 * be the disciplinarian of the children, especially for male children

Contemporary Family Structures & Boys/Men
(Beckles, 1996)

A study conducted at the University of the West Indies cited the following generalized trends identified in modern African Caribbean family structures:
 * Caribbean men experience poor emotional relationships with their children
 * Young boys may view family patterns, become norms and continue into adulthood
 * matriarchal households
 * male absenteeism
 * extramarital affairs

The Concept of Masculinity Among Jamaican Men
(West, 2010)

The following information is specific to the modern day concept of masculinity in the Caribbean island country of Jamaica. To be considered a man, Jamaican men must:
 * 64% of Jamaican boys admitted to intercourse before age 15 years old (6% of girls)
 * Boys report starting to engage in sexual activity at a younger age than girls. (9.4 years vs. 11.3 years)
 * Pressure from friends and desire for increase social status is the motivation of early sex

In modern day Jamaica, a man displays his masculinity through violence and the total rejection of anything perceived as feminine or homosexual. The "Badman" is considered the ultimate heterosexual male. He is a man that is strong, tough, and sexually successful with women. The man on the opposite end of that spectrum is considered a "B-man", or a man that is considered weak, feminine, and/or homosexual. The current Jamaican music and culture reinforces these social norms that have been associated with this concept of masculinity. It discourages all appearances of homosexuality or femininity and encourages violence against anyone breaking this social code.
 * be willing to take risks and have a love of adventure, danger, and violence
 * avoid doing anything that appears feminine in all areas of their lives (career interests, emotional vulnerability, and sexuality)
 * strive to be respected and admired through success and achievement, should be considered as the breadwinners
 * remain calm in hectic and frightening situations

=References

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