Sex+Work+in+the+Transgender+Community

toc Sex work is not an uncommon occupation among transgender individuals in the United States, as well as in many other countries around the globe. Though the term "transgender" can refer to transwomen who are born male (male-to-female, MTF) and transmen who are born female (female-to-male, FTM), the sex work industry is almost exclusively focused on FTM transwomen (Erickson-Schroth, 2014). This may be due to a lack of transmen in sex work, a lack of visibility of transmale sex work, and/or the fact that the hypersexualization of transwomen has made them a greater object of erotic interest in mainstream culture. Most of the literature that discusses transgender sex work concentrates almost exclusively on increased HIV risk behaviors, positive status, and prevention measures. For many sex workers, especially transgender sex workers, HIV status and condom use are rarely discussed with clients because bringing up such topics can cost the worker her client, thus impacting the sex worker's earning potential (Reisner, Mimiaga, Bland, Mayer, Perkovich, & Safren, 2009). The inherent risk of contracting sexually transmitted infections while engaging in sex work is often compounded by the prevalence of HIV and AIDS in the homosexual and transgender communities, putting transwomen sex workers at four times the risk for contracting HIV then biologically female sex workers (Operario, Soma, & Underhill, 2008). It is important to note, however, that the heavy research focus on HIV in relation to sex work is a function of the researchers' worldview, not necessarily the sex workers'. HIV risk is not necessarily the central aspect of sex work for transgender sex workers, and is usually only one consideration among the many risks and benefits of the occupation.

=Reasons for Entering Sex Work=

Among the first factors leading transgender women to pursuing sex work is familial rejection (Nadal, Vargas, Meterko, Hamit, & McLean, 2012; Nadal, Davidoff, & Fujii-Doe, 2014; Reisner et al., 2009). Rejection on the part of the transgender person's family may range from general non-acceptance of that person's gender identity (as being different from their biological sex) to experiences of physical and verbal abuse. For this reason, many transpeople often leave home at a young age, before being fully able to support themselves.

Concurrent with having to leave home due to familial rejection, transwomen turn to sex work due to a lack of education. Reisner et al. (2009) cite that transwomen who engage in sex work report their level of education as having a high school diploma or less, and that many times dropouts occur due to an unwelcoming school environment.

Between lacking a familial support system, an educational degree, shelter, and resources, financial need for survival becomes the central force that draws transwomen towards sex work. Transwomen rely on their earnings from performing sexual acts with clients in order to make a living and in some cases to afford the feminizing surgeries and hormones that they need in order to feel more like their woman-identified selves (Hoffman, 2014; Nadal et al., 2012; Reisner et al., 2009). Often times more conventional employment options are inaccessible to transwomen, not only because of education barriers, but also because of transphobia among employers who either want to avoid internal conflict over gender in the workplace, or because the employer themselves is intolerant (Nadal et al., 2014). For most, if not all, transwomen, gaining successful employment in the "traditional" workforce depends heavily on their appearance, particularly whether they are able to "pass" (or appear like) biological females (Sausa, Keatley, Operario, 2007).

=Risks Pertaining to Sex Work=

Transwomen face unique occupational risks and hazards, both physical and emotional, as a result of their engagement in sex work. In addition to physical and sexual violence that all sex workers are prone to, transwomen face this risk specifically around whether or not they decide to "out" themselves as transgender before accepting a client (Reisner et al., 2009; Sausa et al., 2007). If transwomen choose to share their identity before being picked up by a client the could, at best, lose a potential client or, at worst, be assaulted on the street. If they choose to conceal their trans identity/body and the client finds out during the sexual encounter and reacts negatively, these sex workers may be brutalized during the encounter.

Police brutality and harassment is another risk that transwomen sex workers face on the job. While sex workers of all genders are at risk of being taken into police custody, transwomen report higher rates of police harassment that range from intolerant remarks to use of physical force and sexual assault (Nadal et al., 2012; Nadal et al., 2014). Furthermore, Prostitution Free Zones in cities such as Washington, D.C. are enforced by police as means of regulating "undesirable" sex worker and especially, trans sex worker bodies and keeping those bodies away from the general public (Edelman, 2011). These zones dictate where those who appear like sex workers can or cannot be during certain hours, and since transgender women are more likely assumed to be sex workers, this zoning affects their bodies disproportionately.

=Benefits of Engaging in Sex Work=

Aside from the number of risks that are involved, transwomen report a number of benefits from participating in sex work. The most obvious of these benefits is the quick and easy money that is made during a sexual encounter (Reisner et al., 2009). Of the transwomen who had been able to obtain other, more conventional, kinds of work, many reported turning or returning to sex work because they were ultimately able to make more money in the sex industry.

In addition to the financial factors, many transgender women find that sex work was a realm in which their femininity and feminine sexuality is validated, if not a valued asset (Nadal et al., 2012; Reisner et al., 2009; Sausa et al., 2007). By engaging in sex work, a traditionally female occupation, transwomen feel sexually attractive and desired as "real women." In other spaces, where trans bodies are seen as deviant or undesirable, transwomen find that in sex work, their bodies are often desired particularly for their trans-ness.

Finally, since sex work is so prevalent among transgender women, this provides an avenue for establishing social networks, support systems, and a sense of community that transwomen may not otherwise have (Nadal et al., 2012; Reisner, et al., 2009). Sex work can be seen as a social norm and rite of passage for women in this community, which gives them access to other, more experienced transwomen, some of which are known as "Gay Mothers" or "Trans Mothers" (Reisner et al., 2009). These mothers offer younger transwomen advice and acceptance and, at times, set the younger women up with sexual clients. Through this network, younger transwomen are able to establish families of choice where they are loved and accepted.

References:
Edelman, E. A. (2011). “This area has been declared a prostitution free zone”: Discursive formations of space, the state, and trans “sex worker” bodies. //Journal of Homosexuality, 58//(6-7), 848-864. Doi: 10.1080/00918369.2011.581928

Erickson-Schroth, L. (Ed.). (2014). //Trans bodies, trans selves: A resource for the transgender community//. New York, NY: Oxford UP.

Hoffman, B. R. (2014). The interaction of drug use, sex work, and HIV among transgender women. //Substance Use & Misuse, 49//(8), 1049-1053. Doi: 10.3109/10826084.2013.855787

Nadal, K. L., Vargas, V., Meterko, V., Hamit, S., & McLean, K. (2012). Transgender female sex worker: Personal perspectives, gender identity development, and psychological processes. In M. A. Pauldi. (Ed.) M//anaging diversity in today’s workplace: Strategies for employees and employers// (123-153). Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger.

Nadal, K. L., Davidoff, K., & Fujii-Doe, W. (2014). Transgender women and the sex work industry: Roots in systemic, institutional, and interpersonal discrimination. //Journal of Trauma & Dissociation,// //15//(2), 169-183. Doi: 10.1080/15299732.2014.86752

Operario, D., Soma, T., & Underhill, K. (2008). Sex work and HIV status among transgender women. //Journal of Acquired Immune Deficiency Syndromes, 48//(1), 91-103.Doi: 10.1097/QAI.0b013e31816e3971

Reisner, S. L., Mimiaga, M. J., Bland, S., Mayer, K. H., Perkovich, B., & Safren, S. A. (2009). HIV risk and social network among male-to-female transgender sex workers in Boston, Massachusetts. //The Journal of the Association of Nurses in AIDS Care, 20//(5), 373-386. Doi: 10.1016/j.jana. 2009.06.003.

Sausa, L. A., Keatley, J., Operario, D. (2007). Perceived risks and benefits of sex work among transgender women of color in San Francisco. //Archives of Sexual Behavior, 36//(6), 768-777. Doi: 10.1007/s10508-007-9210-3