Non-Binary+and+Transgender+Identities+-+India's+Hijra

=Being and Becoming Hijra= toc The hijras of India are one of the most visible and culturally institutionalized among male and female [|gender variants] (Nanda, 2000). Hijras are typically biologically male individuals who adopt feminine behavior. Ideally, they renounce their sexual desire and undergo a genital excision to be "reborn." This rebirth gives them the power to bless and curse, and is seen as their traditional 'asexual' role (Reddy, 2003). Some hijras are born [|intersex], and are seen to already carry this power. The term hijra is typically defined as "[|eunuch]" or "[|hermaphrodite]". In North India, these terms were once used to distinguish between individuals made into hijras and those who were born intersex (Lal, 1999). However, there are differences among individuals about who is a 'real' hijra. In mainstream discourse, all men who do not carry out Indian masculine ideals are relegated to hijra status. However, among non-normative identified individuals, only those who go through the castration ritual and participate in birthing and wedding ceremonies are considered to be authentic hijra (Hossain, 2012). Being an authentic hijra entails being born intersex or impotent, taking on an ascetic role, and undergoing a castration ritual which gives them special powers.



Ascetics
The traditional role of the hijra is that of an ascetic or renouncer. This means that the person is outside of society, but also a part of it. This comes within the context of the [|Hindu] religion. The life path of an ascetic is for those individuals who cannot reproduce because of biological or personal reasons. This life path allows them to transform what would be considered an 'incomplete' life into one with meaning and purpose. It is one of the many paths one can choose in order to achieve salvation (Nanda, 2000).

Culturally not Indian Women
Hijras take on the complete appearance of women. They dress like women, adopt feminine behavior, and adopt feminine names and pronouns when they enter the hijra community. It is a requirement that they dress as women when they perform at ceremonies. However, hijras are more aggressive, especially sexually in their performances, and they often represent exaggerations of Indian women. They commonly use obscene and abusive language as well. This demeanor is in opposition to the expected behavior of Indian women (Nanda, 2000).

The main reason hijras are not considered women, even among the hijra community, is that they cannot give birth. There is a myth among the hijra communities about a hijra who prayed to her mother goddess to get pregnant. Her wish was granted, but she never wished to give birth. Because she did not have a birthing canal, the hijra got bigger and bigger until she could no longer handle the weight. She cut open her stomach, killing both herself and the baby. This story reinforces among the communities that even though they embrace their femininity and womanhood, they will never be 'real' women (Nanda, 2000).

Castration Ritual
Hijras stress the notion of impotence as a prerequisite for joining the hijra community. In order to obtain their powers, they must go through a castration ritual (Bakshi, 2004). If a man is born impotent and does not become a hijra, it is said that he is likely to be born impotent for seven future rebirths. The ritual is performed by a hijra called the "midwife.' The client sits in front of a picture of the mother goddess, [|Bahuchara Mata], and repeats her name over and over. The midwife takes a sharp knife and severs the genitals with two diagonal cuts. The blood, which is considered 'maleness', is allowed to flow freely, ridding them of their masculinity. After the operation, the hijra is watched over by elders. The final stage of the ritual involves the new hijra being dressed as a bride and proceeded through the streets. This ends the ritual, and now the hijra has become a vehicle of procreative power. They have the powers to bless, as well as to curse (Nanda, 2000).

=Cultural Roles= Historically, hijras performed at births and weddings to confer fertility. These rituals still occur today, though they have declined over the years, and are more prevalent in North India (Mahalingam, 2003). A more contemporary role for hijras is in the political arena.

Births and Weddings
The birth of a son in India is viewed as a major purpose of marriage. Typically, hijras would perform at these births, but they have been known to perform at girls' births as well. During the ritual, the hijras perform folk and current film songs and dances. They also imitate women's behavior by mimicking the pains of pregnancy at each month. At some point during the ritual, the hijra inspects the newborn's genitals. Any baby born intersex is said to belong in the hijra community. Then, they bless the baby with the power of creating new life, having many sons, and carrying on the continuity of the family line. Once the ritual is over, the hijras claim their payment (Nanda, 2000).





Though birthing rituals are more prevalent, hijras are also known to perform at weddings. Their performances have many sexual references, which typically breaks the rules of normal social intercourse in India. However, on this occasion, the hijras are seen as a sources of humor. Hijras perform skits and songs which point out potentially conflicting relationships in Indian marriages. This includes relationships between mother-in-law and daughter-in-law or between sisters-in-law. Since hijras are considered to be outside of the social order, they can point out these areas of tension and diffuse them. At some point during the ritual, the hijra blesses the couple to have many sons (Nanda, 2000).

Curse
Hijras are not always invited to the ceremonies they perform at. Sometimes, they show up, perform and bless the baby or the couple, and expect to be paid. It is said that along with the power to bless people with fertility, the hijras can also curse a person with infertility. If they are not paid for the ritual, they will insult a family publicly and curse them. A hijra can raise her skirt and display her mutilated genitals which is both a source of shame as well as a contamination of a family's reproductive potential (Nanda, 2000).

Politics
The political arena is a more contemporary role for hijras. Recently, hijras have run for and won elections in local, state, and national offices. Their success comes from emphasizing their ambiguous gender. Hijras stress that they do not have the obligations of family, gender, or [|caste], so they are free of corruption in politics, especially in terms of nepotism. Many Indians believe hijras are more compassionate towards poverty and social stigma because of their own social status. This has allowed hijras to gain support in the political arena and defeat powerful upper caste opponents. However, hijras still experience stigmatization in this arena. India's election of its first hijra mayor was overturned saying that seat was reserved for a woman (Nanda & Warms, 2011). This again, shows how hijras are not culturally viewed as women even though they take on the appearances of women.

=Social Attitudes= In India, hijras are perceived to be outside of the normal social order. They are often constructed as 'dirty' outcasts who "do not have any sarm (shame)" (Reddy, 2003). There are many different attitudes toward hijras, both positive and negative. Nanda (2000) claims that social attitudes toward hijras include fear, mockery, respect, contempt, and compassion. Patel (2010) says Indian society treats hijras with a combination of "fascination, revulsion, and fear." They are stigmatized based on their gender identity and impotence, but they are also respected for their powers to bless and curse (Reddy, 2003).

Fear for hijras stems from their ability to curse, and also because they are outside of the normative social order. Social roles and relationships like caste and kinship are the main sources of social control in India. Since hijras, as ascetics, are 'outcasts', they are often seen as threats to the social order. The hijras have used their marginality to manipulate the public. Often hijra audiences feel vulnerable to hijras' demands for payment. They have to weigh the cost of giving into the hijras demands, or risk being publicly abused, humiliated, and cursed (Nanda, 2000).

=Sexuality= Despite having an '[|asexual]' role as ascetics, hijras are often lumped in the same categories as homosexuals, bisexuals, jankhas/zankhas ([|transvestites]), panthis, and kothis. Panthis are Indian homosexual males who penetrate, and they are viewed as masculine. Kothis are homosexual males who are penetrated, and refer to themselves with feminine names and pronouns. The kothis are most like the hijras, but they do not embrace the social, religious, and cultural principles that compose the 'authentic' hijra identity (Patel, 2010).

Active sexuality runs counter to the hijra role as an ascetic. However, many hijras are said to participate in prostitution, which undermines their respect in society. Some hijras claim prostitution has increased because ritual performance opportunities are declining. Yet, according to Nanda (2000), prostitution has been associated with hijras for hundreds of years. Many hijras deny this happens, and say the people engaging in prostitution are not 'authentic' hijras. Prostitution remains a major source of conflict within the hijra community. In cities with a large hijra population, prostitutes are not allowed to live with ritual performers (Nanda, 2000).

=Laws and Criminalization= Despite some social acceptance, hijras stuggle to gain legal recognition of their lifestyle, and are denied basic benefits. They are often denied access to healthcare, different forms of employment, and certain political rights (Patel, 2010). Many of this stems from [|British rule] of India from the 1600's-1940's.

British Rule
Prior to British rule, hijras had more legitimacy, and their rituals were performed more often. When the British came to rule, they refused to lend any legal support to the hijras. They saw hijras as beggars extorting money from Indians. The British created a law denying land grants or entitlements to any group who "breached laws of public decency", as well as removed state protection from the hijras. They created laws criminalizing emasculation, which are still enacted in the criminal code of independent India today (Nanda, 2000). This is one of the major reasons why hijras became stigmatized. However, in recent years, they have begun to see more rights and laws.

Contemporary Laws
In the past few years, hijras have been granted more legitimacy and rights they were previously denied. They were granted the right to vote in 1994, though many felt like they could not because the lack of a third gender on voter registration. In 2009, a third gender category was added to voter rights. There are now also three gender classification choices available on Indian Passports: male, female, and others (Patel, 2010). Certain states in India are also stepping up and offering hijras more rights.

In South India, the state of [|Tamil Nadu] permits hijras to be recognized as 'T" for transgender on local ration cards. These changes are also supposed to occur on other documents, such as drivers' licenses. The state is also preparing to create separate public toilet facilities for hijras. In November 2010, South Indian state [|Karnataka] made transgenders eligible for pension benefits, ration cards, as well as housing assistance ( Patel, 2010).

In a recent ruling occurring in April 2014, the Indian government declared the legal recognition of a third gender. The government made this ruling in order to give hijra equal access to education, jobs, and driving licenses (Lakshmi, 2014).



=References= Bakshi, S. (2004).[| A comparative analysis of hijras and drag queens: The subversive possibilities and limits of parading effeminacy and negotiating masculinity]. //Journal of Homosexuality, 46// (3), 211-233. doi: 10.1300/JO82v46n03_13

Hossain, A. (2012).[| Beyong emasucation: Being Muslim and becoming hijra in South Asia]. //Asian Studies Review, 36//(4), 495-513. doi:10.1080/10357823.2012.739994

Lakshmi, R. (2014, April 15). [|India recognizes a third gender, but homosexuality is still a crime]. //The Washington Post.// Retrieved from http://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/worldviews/wp/2014/04/15/india-recognizes-a-third-gender-but-homosexuality-is-still-a-crime/

Lal, V. (1999). [|Not this, not that: The hijras of India and the cultural politics of sexuality]. //Social Text, 17//(4). 119. Retrieved from http://0web.b.ebscohost.com.libcat.widener.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=a499284e-1b2a-4759-b46a8a5aaf33bbab%40sessionmgr115&vid=2&hid=112

Mahalingam, R. (2003). [|Essentialism, culture, and beliefs about gender among the aravanis of Tamil Nadue, India]. //Sex Roles, 49//(9), 489-496. doi: 0360-0025/03/1100-0489/0

Nanda, S., & Warms, R. (2014). [|Cultural Anthropology], 11th Ed. Belmont, CA: Wadsworth Cengage Learning.

Nanda, S. (2000). [|Gender diversity: Crosscultual variations]. Long Grove, IL: Waveland Press, Inc.

Reddy, G. (2003). [|'Men' who would be kings: Celibacy, emasculation, and the re-production of hijras in contemporary Indian politics]. //Social Research, 70//(1), 163-200. Retrieved from http://0web.b.ebscohost.com.libcat.widener.edu/ehost/pdfviewer/pdfviewer?sid=fd8ffc7d-cd65-48cc-b420-1408ce1bcaf5%40sessionmgr112&vid=2&hid=112